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He argues that the characteristics of host societies can influence immigrant integration as much as, if not more than individual immigrant characteristics. They see successful immigrant integration as a function of the opportunities and barriers immigrants encounter in the receiving community. In addition to contextual factors like ethnic networks, social capital and labor market conditions, this work stresses how programs, institutional cultures, and national and local policies affect immigrant integration Fix and Zimmerman: ; Waldinger Integration is a fluid process based on both individual and community level factors and thus, happens differently depending on the neighborhood, city, or state Bloemraad: ; Guarnizo, Sanchez and Roach: ; Itzigsohn and Saucedo: High turnover rates, dangerous work environments, lack of unions, and low pay in meatpacking employment all contribute to a negative context of reception Fennelly and Leitner: ; Gouveia and Stull: ; Grey and Woodrick: ; Smith and Furseth: Finally, in her research on the dairy industry in Wisconsin, Valentine found that despite their initial hostility, employers became more welcoming when they realized how dependent they were on their immigrant workers.

They are interrogating the conditions under which immigrants revitalize the regional economy or harm it Grey and Woodrick: ; Mohl: Comprehensive, comparative metropolitan studies are in short supply, as Singer Singer, Hardwick and Brettell: , p. Our study, therefore, fills an important gap by not only including non-Latino groups, but by looking at small cities in New England. Context of reception is conceived as national, although immigrant incorporation, as well as the promulgation of policies and community responses to immigrants, varies considerably across physical and political spaces within nations.

Apple Pie and Enchiladas: Latino Newcomers in the Rural Midwest

As new immigrants move increasingly into communities that have not dealt with large number of foreign-born residents, these new destinations variously accommodate, celebrate, and resist their new residents before. Their local experiences reverberate and contribute to national debates and policies. Furthermore, the current national security context imbues residents with worries and fears and brings them into direct contact with the power of the state through arrests, detentions and deportation. In the s, a small group of scholars noted how size, position, and the political landscape affected how migrants settled in and became politically incorporated in particular cities.

Like their American counterparts, most of this work did not address how global economic restructuring repositions particular places and directs migrants to settle where they do. Global cities scholarship was a step in this direction Eade: ; Sassen: ; Yeoh and Chang: These scholars called attention to the disjuncture between geographical and social spaces that resulted from the uneven effects of globalization. Particular cities wrested themselves from the traditional local-global hierarchy to function almost independently of national context.


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Most of this work, however, did not connect these processes to immigrant incorporation. Global economic restructuring repositions localities in hierarchies of economic and political power. But it is not just capital that moves. Where migrants move to, their modes of incorporation are strongly linked to this broader re-ordering of interstate, regional, national, and global fields of power Glick Schiller and Caglar: ; Glick Schiller, Caglar and Guldbrandsen: Moreover, it is not just the changing position of particular localities in the context of globalization but the changing relationship between localities and states.

State intervention and activities are institutionally and geographically differentiated. When states pursue economic development strategies, refugee resettlement policies, direct resources to particular zones like becoming the state capital , or build highways in particular locations, they influence immigrant incorporation.

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Scale, then, involves not just a recalibration of the relationship between the global and the local but between the municipal, regional, and national as well. It is also a partial corrective to the emphasis on the economic characteristics of place at the expense of how place-based cultural resources shape immigrant incorporation. Migration scholarship requires a serious cultural turn that goes beyond a superficial nod Levitt: ; Levitt and Jaworsky: That means bringing culture centrally into discussions of context of reception and acknowledging how scale affects the urban cultural apparatus.

Cities have particular cultural resources based on their geopolitical position and they deploy these in particular ways. Brettell b , for example, stresses the importance of a dominant set of values or an urban ethos in shaping immigrant incorporation. Glick Schiller and Caglar highlight public discourse as key in making migrant incorporation a part of scale theory.

Cultural diversity, they argue, is an important factor in the competitive struggle between cities. Immigrants can be marketable assets in the places where they settle, even enabling some cities to reposition themselves within the geopolitical hierarchy. It is this cultural armature, and how it is shaped by questions of scale, that is our focus in this article. Organizations included municipal groups, social service organizations, civic groups and religious and faith-based organizations that we identified using snowball samples developed through existing contacts and listings in local directories.

Interviews lasted between fifty minutes and two hours and were digitally recorded and professionally transcribed. In Danbury, a researcher conducted field observations at social events, political rallies and fundraisers throughout the city and volunteered at a Portuguese-language newspaper. We worked collaboratively using Atlas-TI software to develop and refine a set of codes, working together with intra- and inter-city cross checks to ensure that our analytic categories were consistently applied across interviews as well as cities.

The U. Census Bureau estimated its population at 63, in Immigrants have been arriving in Portland since the early nineteenth century. Sawmill factories were another early, natural development given the high percent of forested land in the state Rose: Following World War II, however, the population and commercial activity declined precipitously. By the s, the maritime industry in Portland had reached a low point.

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The population decreased by nearly 10 percent between and , dropping to levels from 50 years before. The state of Maine as a whole experienced a net out-migration of 68, this decade 1. These trends began to reverse themselves in the s, when after nearly years of out-migration, Maine began to attract in-migrants. While the pace slowed after the s, in-migration to Maine has continued since then Benson and Sherwood: Portland is currently home to 4, foreign-born residents U. Fifty-three different languages are represented among the 1, students in the Portland public school system, which has the largest number of ESL English as a Second Language students in the state.

Apple pie & enchiladas : Latino newcomers in the rural Midwest | UTS Library

Over the last several years, Portland has also become a destination for refugees relocating from their original settlement sites. While there are no official figures on these secondary migrants, unofficial estimates suggest they may be as many as 10,, divided between Portland and the nearby city of Lewiston Allen: Many find work in meat or fish packing plants, other factories, or in service-based or medical professions.

Non-profit organizations and faith-based initiatives also do a significant amount of the work.

Groups like the Immigrant Legal Advocacy Project and the Action for Self Reliance Association, an organization founded by and serving the Sudanese community, also play a critical role in providing for the immigrant community. In the s and s, when hats went out of vogue, the industry steadily declined, and there were few hatters left by the late s.

An aggressive redevelopment plan was put into place in to attract high technology firms, producing everything from helicopters to pencils and surgical sutures, but it was not until the construction of two major highways, I and Route , and the construction of the Danbury Fair Mall that industrial and commercial growth increased Devlin: This expansion included the growth of big-box stores and malls which sent the downtown area into sharp decline. There are, however, large numbers of undocumented residents whose economic position is precarious 3. The Association of Religious Communities ARC helped resettle Cambodian and Vietnamese refugees in the s and early s and now focuses on fighting xenophobia and fostering inter-ethnic and inter-faith dialogues.

There are also more than a dozen Brazilian evangelical churches in Danbury that provide some direct services. Danbury is a great place because of our diversity. The number one focus of my administration in the next two years will be the economy and how we can help small and medium size businesses achieve success in a difficult economic environment.

All residents will benefit from job creation and expansion. Our diverse economy has insulated us from the worst of the recession, but we need to plan for the future. This is one way the city has used diversity and multiculturalism as a tool to promote urban revitalization, creating an environment that not only allows for but also thrives because of its diverse population.

Its efforts to become a culturally vibrant, livable city have not gone unnoticed by the media. Geography can be everything or nothing, and much in between. Economic relationships between the West Indies and Portland, for example began in the early colonial period and turned the city into a key international port Sanders and Helfgot Early on, Portland businesspeople saw the potential for trade, particularly in rum and molasses with the West Indies.

By , as a result of these close relationships, Portland imported three times more sugar and molasses than Boston. These tight trade connections with the West Indies promoted immigration from Cuba and other areas in Latin America.

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In particular, the rise in tourism in the last fifty years means that Portland constantly hosts newcomers — as many as 6, visitors disembark from cruise ships on any given summer afternoon. International grocery stories and restaurants, from Eritrean to Salvadoran, are situated throughout the city and patronized not only by immigrants but also by a diverse group of native-born Mainers who attend citywide cultural events and programs throughout the year. If you do not receive an email within 10 minutes, your email address may not be registered, and you may need to create a new Wiley Online Library account.

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If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to retrieve your username. International Migration Review Volume 40, Issue 2. William Kandel U. Department of Agriculture Search for more papers by this author. Read the full text. Tools Export citation Add to favorites Track citation.

Share Give access Share full text access. Share full text access. Migrant workers tend to travel in relatively new pickup trucks that are kept immaculately clean. When they shop, farmworkers wear much the same clothing as the general public. Thus, they appear to be as prosperous as anyone else. The reality, however, is that their truck and its contents are generally their only property and that they may earn nothing in the month or two before the harvest, resulting in annual household incomes well below the poverty line. Although well attired while shopping, they have very few presentable clothes.

The hardest labor was during the three-week harvest peak, when they worked from dawn to well after sundown-picking, hauling, and overseeing the sorting of the harvest to ensure they got credit for their hard work. In the winter months, Alicia and Rubdn lived and worked at a large truck farm in the Homestead area of Florida, inland from Palm Beach, where they labored six days a week through most of the period from October through May.


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As migrant workers, they were surviving, but they sought a better life. They wanted to move away from Florida, as they were worried about their children getting into trouble with other kids in Homestead. Eventually, Alicia and most of her extended family settled down in northern Indiana after working seasonally, off and on, in the fields, at farm produce packing sheds, and in small factories in western Michigan and northern Indiana. They now work different shifts in a small automotive parts plant.

They bought a modest four-bedroom house, two new cars, which they park in their two-car garage, and a large, above-ground swimming pool. Their house is immaculate, without a weed in their lawn. Their oldest child, Gabina, dropped out of school, pregnant, last year.